Thursday, April 19, 2018

EUROPEAN ENDEMIC RACISM FROM THE VIEWPOINT OF GLOBAL MEDICINE-On the Case of Criminalization of the Erased and Migrants

EUROPEAN ENDEMIC RACISM FROM THE VIEWPOINT OF GLOBAL MEDICINE – On the Case of Criminalization of the Erased and Migrants
Dimitar Anakiev,
Doctors for Asylees (DfA), Slovenia

Abstract: The manifestations of racism in medical practice and medical relations we find in Slovenia since 1991 up to the present day. The examples we have mentioned in the text tell us, on one hand, that racism is a serious social illness, and, on the other hand, that there is no place for racism in medicine. The abuse of medicine for political purposes is not only specific for Slovenia but can also be found in many countries of the European Union.

At the time when I received an invitation to submit a paper for the Conference of the Peace Institute in Ljubljana I was preoccupied with the dilemma whether to join a humanitarian medical mission in Bangladesh. I studied the situation in the country in which, fleeing from violence, 809.000 refugees from Myanmar “got aground”. Very soon I understood that the situation in the Cox’s Bazar district, otherwise a very well known tourist destination, was not only unfamiliar to me but, from the viewpoint of my own culture, also something I cannot even imagine. For example, 92% of the population has no access to potable water; only 0,36% doctors are available per 1000 people; the state pays for only 7,8% of medical services to its population while 43% of the population are malnourished. To this picture, we should further add endemic cholera. I also realized that this shocking situation is a result of socio-historical circumstances, in much the same way as it is the case, in our region, in a large part of Europe, with racism. To Bangladesh its historical development brought cholera while our historical development brought us racism. I dare say that racism in these areas is an endemic phenomenon caused by historical development. I will explain what that means by the example of the erased and migrants.
The real problems with racism start when it gets institutional confirmation which means when it grabs power. In Slovenia the institution of racism started with erasing 25.000 Yugoslavs from the official records as done by the government of Slovenia in 1992, that is, less than a year after gaining independence from Yugoslavia (1). Until the sentence of the European Court of Human Rights (2) all the governments of Slovenia and a great part of politics considered this racist act as a state-forming one while a part of the politics and the “deep state” still think so and so they behave as well. Paradoxically, and of special interest for us, doctors, the one that leads the way in the violation of human rights, till the present day, is the Medical Chamber which consistently places politics over profession, thus daring not only to disregard the Geneva Conventions but to openly violate the domestic legislature. Many doctors were criminalized and drastically sentenced for being loyal to their patients instead of politics (3). The sentences were their “deletion” from the population register by the state organs, not gaining a medical license and annulment of their specializations by the Medical Chamber.
Regardless of its having signed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and all the accompanying documents and other laws regulating human rights, Slovenia continued with mass violation of human rights immediately after joining the EU. It is the case of denying the right to medical care to the seekers of international protection (asylum). The first Asylum Act in independent Slovenia was brought by Drnovšek’s government in 1999 and this Asylum Act recognizes the right of seekers to the basic medical care (Article 43). Already Janša’s government in 2006 brought new asylum legislature which denied the given elementary human right and allowed only for urgent medical help (Article 46). Ten years later Cerar’s government confirmed Janša’s violation of human rights (Article 86) while Slovenian politics decided that the Cerar’s legislature finally brought Slovenia’s legislature into full accordance with that of the European Union (4). This allegation is not completely groundless. Regarding all the EU members in the region, similar legislatures have Croatia and Hungary but not Bulgaria which recognizes the right to the basic health care (Art. 29 of 2007 Act). Still, the respect of migrants and asylees’ right to health protection is an exception. In Britain these rights are respected unlike in Germany and France. Italy, Spain and Greece improved their legislature after the migrant crisis and enabled health protection. Some European states such as Belgium have numerous additional acts and royal decrees providing for all migrants, not only to asylum seekers, exceptionally good opportunities for medical protection. Practice, yet, shows that in the constitutionally multicultural Belgium, despite positive legislature, developed cultural mediation and care on the part of the whole society – including engagement of the greatest humanitarian organizations such as Red Cross and Caritas that, in Slovenia, do not participate at all in taking care of the medical protection seekers – the overall health care is realized by only 14% of migrants (5). A complicated medical care system and cultural barriers are themselves a great obstacle that does not need any additional legal restrictions at all. Obviously, so far as international protection seekers are concerned, the legal restrictions in Slovenia and other countries aim at deterring seekers and precluding international protection since the decisions about protection are waited upon for many years and in such a long period of time it is not possible to be without basic health care. These restrictions mostly strike the most vulnerable ones.
At the same time it should be said that Slovenia with 2,52 doctors per 1000 inhabitants thus overcomes the USA and Japan in the relative number of doctors; hence, somewhat over 1300 asylum seekers annually as were registered in 2016 and 2017 in Slovenia represent no burden for a developed health care system. Only one municipality in Slovenia, Ilirska Bistrica, relatively underdeveloped, with 15.000 inhabitants and one medical center with a dozen of doctors, starting from 1998, had no problem in treating 5.000 refugees from Bosnia and Herzegovina. What problem can then represent 1,300 seekers in the whole state? If we look back further, we can see that in 2015 there were only 277 asylum seekers while in 2013 there were 272. At the time when Janša’s government brought its restrictive law, the problem of asylum practically did not exist. Evidently the legal restriction of human rights has as its main task to keep alive racism as the ruling ideology; it is the matter of political action that Janša obviously found interlocutors for in the EU while Dr. Drnovšek in 1999 needed not such actions and ideology in order to rule.
The restrictive legislature regarding asylum seekers is not only criminalization of asylees and migrants but it is also criminalization of the doctor who gives help to an asylum seeker. All the doctors who had worked with migrants and asylees could feel this criminalization on their own skin. To give help to someone against the law is neither a small nor simple matter. Who should the doctor be loyal to: to the law or to the patient? Should the doctor cooperate with the government that violates human rights en masse? Should he rebel or fall silent? A standard recessive pseudo-professional opinion that can be heard at every step in Slovenia is that “the doctor should not get involved in politics.” This opinion is promoted by doctors-careerists given political positions who are in fact advocating for the primacy of politics in medicine for the sake of their own benefits. The truth is entirely different: the doctor is an advocate of the patient’s rights and is obliged to warn about their violations. These are the dilemmas of essential importance for medical profession; the notion of Dual Loyalty that is more and more often frequent in the modern society is contrary to the basic dictum of the profession: namely, that the doctor is loyal solely and only to the patient. This dictum is regulated, since ancient times, by the professional codes such as Hippocratic Oath or, in modern times, the International Code of Medical Ethics of the World Medical Association. The above-given example of the Medical Chamber of Slovenia has shown us the way primitive communities, that take racism as the basis of their activities, punish the doctors who regard the loyalty to the patient as more important than that to politics. However, the example of the Medical Chamber of Slovenia is not unique in the world regarding the violations of the basic rules of medical profession. Under the apartheid rule in the South African Republic the medical profession completely adapted itself to the rule of racism. I repeat: under the apartheid rule in the South African Republican the medical profession completely adapted itself to the rule of racism! This means that the doctors adopted the rule of racism in their professional work! That is why in the year of 2000, in Durban, in the Republic of South Africa, there was a world conference held on the issue of “dual loyalty” in medicine in which the participants included over 56 experts – doctors from all over the world – with the intention to explain and stop further spread of this, in terms of medical profession, unacceptable (and inconceivable) practice (6). Apparently, we in Slovenia will also have to organize a conference like the Durban one due to very similar practice in our country.
At the time when our racists fortified their bunkers, medical organizations in the developed world published their attitudes towards human rights of asylees, refugees and migrants and in this way, they, relying on the power of their authority, dictated to politics the civilization norms that it was not allowed to violate. One of the most comprehensive such documents is the statement of the Australian Medical Association about the rights of asylum seekers and refugees (7).
In our region the medical organization of relevance have remained silent and persistently subjected to politics – not only these that stood out earlier due to mass violation of human rights such as the Medical Chamber of Slovenia but also the organizations that are apparently entirely professional such as the National Institute of Public Health (NIPH). During our humanitarian work (DfA) we have incessantly warned of a series of health problems that asylum seekers are facing in Slovenia (starting from chronic malnutrition to barrack accommodation and dislocation). And yet, the NIPH, though these problems fall into its field of action, in none of these cases reacted; it seemed as if the public health of asylum seekers did not concern them at all. They showed up and intervened when there were no medical indications for this: they vaccinated a Kurd child from Syria against morbilli, seven days after the child was, due to morbilli, discharged from a hospital in Greece and came to Slovenia afebrile and with developed immunity like all those who got over the disease; that is why additional immunization was, to put it mildly, completely nonsensical. The very action went on like this: the media were informed that in the Asylum Home there was a child from Syria sick from morbilli. When the atmosphere of fear was created, they came in a large number and saved the nation from danger: by unnecessary vaccination. They vaccinated each and everyone who happened to be there including some wretched Cubans, security service, social workers... That is how they left a strong media impression about their being saviors of their nation from dangerous migrants who come to us every day and threaten us with various diseases. We have explained this case of unnecessary vaccination and posted it on our Internet blog but, of course, not anyone from the NIPH was held responsible for this fake medical (media) action though, logically, someone will have to (8).
The deprivation of the migrants in the EU of the right to health was an issue dealt with by many research studies even before the last migrant wave took place in 2015. The classical work on the subject is a book (dating 2011) by a group of authors led by the sociologist Bernd Rechel from the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine. The book entitled Migration and Health in the European Union was also signed by the government of the Republic of Slovenia in joining this project (9). Explicitly it says in the book that many EU countries abuse medicine for the purpose of dissuading migrants from settling in their countries. Racism is, therefore, concerning all that has been said, a normal political means in the EU. It also says that the EU members were called upon many times, by two Secretaries General of the UN, Kofi Annan and Ban Ki-moon, to pass the laws that would prevent any violation of human rights in the domain of health care but this has not taken place so far. Quite the contrary: we are witnessing increasing and ever more present racism in the European society.
This short survey I would like to conclude with an example from the humanitarian practice of the DfA. Some time ago I wrote a text about our humanitarian work for a monthly. I mentioned, without telling her name but only specialization, a female doctor from a health center in the province that had helped us with her pro bono work in the cases of much needed diagnostics. Soon the editor phoned me and said, „You must not write things like this, do you know what might happen to her? At least her car, when parked in front of the health center, will have her tires cut or the windsheet broken. And she might get fired. And God knows what else may happen...“. I had to hide all the facts including the name of the health center and the doctor's specialization. Moreover, her gender I also hid and I just wrote „doctor“, so that no shadow of a doubt could be cast on her. Therefore, we are living in a society in which help given to a certain man, or a certain kind of man, could be severly punished. This is typical for the rule of racism. It is not fully public as it was in Hitler's state but it is sufficiently powerful to induce a real fear in the majority of people. Probably that is why many of the doctors who are helping us want to remain anonymous; we understand that. On the other hand, people are willing to help. Racism is not a state of human soul; this is politics led in order to grab power and for personal gain. That is why when speaking about endemic racism in Europe we should underline that this phrase means only a certain political continuity – sometimes on the margin and sometimes in the center – that is incessantly rehashed by certain political circles. The manifestations of racism in medical practice and medical relations we find in Slovenia since 1991 up to the present day. The examples we have mentioned in the text tell us, on one hand, that racism is a serious social illness, and, on the other hand, that there is no place for racism in medicine. The abuse of medicine for political purposes is not only specific for Slovenia but can also be found in many countries of the European Union.


  1. Jasminka Dedić, Vlasta Jelušić and Jelka Zorn, The Erased, 2003, Mirovni inštitut, Ljubljana
  1. Nel Vandevannet, Director of the Belgian Mission of Medecins du Monde, Welcome Speech at the National Congress of the Belgian section of the MdM, February 2017, Brugge, Belgium
  2. Dual Loyalty & Human Right in Health Professional Practice, 2002, Physicians for Human Rights and School of Public Health and Primary Health Care, University of Cape Town
    Bernd Rechel, Migration and health in the European Union, 2011, Open Universyty Press, Berkshire, England
  2. Bernd Rechel, Philipa Mladovsky, Walter Deville, Barbara Rijks, Roumyana Petrova – Benedikt, Martin McKee, 2011, Migration and Helth in the European union, Open University Press, Berkshire, England.

Saturday, March 10, 2018


Drage drugarice i drugovi, građanke i građani Zrenjanina,

čak do Slovenije došao je glas o pritiscima crkve i tajkuna da se promeni slobodarsko ime vašeg grada. Čestitamo Vam na slozi da se ime Žarka Zrenjanina, partizana i narodnog heroja, koga ponosito nosite 70 godina, odbrani. Oni koji su opljačkali vašu imovinu koju su sa mukom sticale generacije, sada žele da vas dodatno i defintivno opljačkaju oduzimanjem imena grada, da vas na simboličan način siluju, ponize, degradiraju i demorališu, zato da se ne bi širio glas o pljački društvene imovine koju su izvršili proteklih decenija zaštićeni državom. U svojoj borbi niste usamljeni! Izbrisani radnici Slovenije su takođe opljačkani, takođe su nam brisali imena. Poznajemo prirodu društvenog uređenja na prostorima bivše Jugoslavije i zato smo sa vama! Želimo Vam da ustrajete i želimo da se glas vaše borbe nadaleko čuje!

Dr.Dimitar Anakiev, predsednik
Udruženje izbrisanih radnika Slovenije

10-tog Marta, 2018

Saturday, December 30, 2017


Na Facebooku su se ovih dana događale zanimljive stvari: 163 bivših vojnika 345. planinske brigade JNA je formiralo grupu pod nazivom “345. planinska brigada”. Želeli su da se ponovo povežu međusobno ali i sa bivšim starešinama (koji su preživeli građanski rat i torture “demokratije”) a zatim i da diskutuju 1991. koja im nije bila nikad razjašnjena: šta se desilo? Zašto su predate kasarine? Zašto nije došlo do borbe? Ko je izdao vojnike? itd. bila su samo neka od postavljenih pitanja. Jedni su samo želeli da čuju reč starešine koja im je tada ostala uskraćena, drugi su se interesovali za naizgled neobične detalje. Na primer: kakva je bila sudbina konja, vranca, koga su poznavali pod imenom Džomba? Bilo je zaista dirljivo naći se ponovo među svojim vojnicima 26 godina nakon rasformiranja brigade i osetiti da je duh brigade tako živ, kao da je brigada sve ove vreme normalno živela. Mene je najviše ganulo spoznanje da naši tadašnji vojnici i nakon 26 godina i svih istorijskih kalvarija još uvek cene i vole svoje starešine. To puno govori o JNA i 345. planinskoj brigadi. Druga fascinantna stvar koja odmah pada u oči je da duh “bratstva i jedinstva” živi dalje. Momci iz svih krajeva bivše Jugoslavije, tada 18-godišnjaci, danas zreli ljudi, zajedno, mirno i dostojanstveno a srčano i iskreno raspravljaju sudbinu brigade i istorijske okolnosti! Nisu uspeli da nas podele i zatruju nacionalnom mržnjom čak ni isceniranim i grozno krvavim bratoubilačkim ratom. Šta može biti zaključak ovog razmišljanja: 345. planinska brigada je nepobediva! Vojsko sve najbolje u 2018!

Dimitar Anakiev

Sunday, December 3, 2017


(Editorial No. 8)

        The destruction of the material base of a worker's life, of workers' movement, means its very independence is undermined. The question of how and in what way to restore material base, to provide for finances, is of crucial importance for the workers' movement. Do we have an answer to this question? What way are we to take in the process of restoring its material and political independence? The working class cannot be doomed to being financed by its class enemy since in this way it goes for class cooperation. Especially in the Balkans where riches are not in the hands of bourgeoisie but mafia, this issue is burning and much more dramatic than in the West. If the workers of the Balkans cannot reestablish their material base, does that mean they are doomed to charity of its class enemies, class friends and maybe even mafia? This and such bitter questions are posed in the days when we celebrate the jubilee of the Great October Revolution. Very few are relevant records of how Lenin, Trotsky and comrades used to finance their undertakings while today's Marxists seem unwilling to talk about it, regardless of how crucial it is. How, then, are we to finance a revolution? It seems that by opening up such an issue, the revolutionary theory steps on an irrational terrain since revolution cannot be financed from union or party membership fee. Not only because parties of independent workers today lack such mass membership as the Bolsheviks had in early 20th century (at the July Congress in 1917 registered were 240.000 members while in April there were only 80.000) but because union and party membership fees lack ideological and material capacity for financing any real struggle whatsoever.
      At the Balkans the state is such that not even activists' meetings can be financed. Those held today, in the largest part of the „Left“, are financed by Die Linke and its foundations such as Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung; consequently, they are meetings and actions and ideological copies of Philistine fake-left that likes to act and present itself as proletarian activity while in fact it is only raising fog to cover the capitalist caravan thus enabling it to go its own way.
      Again: to accept help from class friends and comrades, it is necessary to sign the deals providing for transparency without affecting independence of the party receiving the given help. This would mean that a given working group at the Balkans can accept someone else’s material help only under the condition that it has got free hand and freedom of decision-making. And this is very hard to agree upon.
       To accept help with only one objective, namely, to become a branch of a much richer class friend means democratic capitulation, that is, loss of one's own subjectivity. These days, as it happens, we are witnessing divergence of national, class and ideologically congenial groups of wealthy nations for the sake of preserving democratic rights. Then, how can we, sans-culottes and barefoot Balkan peoples, preserve our democratic rights that everyone wants to trample on? This is not so easy to find out. For this reason, what rules on the Balkans – otherwise lacking predisposition for a spineless lackey - is brigandage and it is hard to deny its full meaning for our territory. And brigandage is, as is well known, an anarchist phenomenon.
        That is why the task of Marxism and Marxists is to argumentatively discuss this problem and try to order, conceptualize and place it within some agreed framework of strategy and tactics. We are of the opinion that each true revolutionary and revolutionary organization will have to act in this way. If we fail to settle it today, the future of an independent workers' movement in the Balkans is not promising. It will either lose independence or will turn to brigandage and each one of us will settle for what suits him best: either among brigands or among lackeys. Yet, we hope that organized independent labor that has just begun to get organized in the Balkans, can find, in this region, a place and perspectives for itself.

Editorial Board

Sunday, November 26, 2017


Dimitar Anakiev
Medicus medico lupus (Lekar lekaru vuk)

„Lekarska komora brine za poštovanje temeljnih vrednosti lekarskog poziva: empatije, stručne osposobljenosti i autonomije. Svesni smo su da lekari i stomatolozi uz poštovanje ljudskih prava moraju slediti vrednosti medicine, zato im kao institucija želimo olakšati posao, približiti ga i pružiti savet i pomoć kada je to potrebno.“
       -Prevod iz predstavljanja Lekarske komore Slovenije na svojoj web strani

Stoga ću učitelja ovoga umijeća štovati kao svoje roditelje, njegovu ću djecu držati svojom braćom, a budu li htjeli učiti ovu umjetnost, poučavat ću ih bez ugovora i bez plaće
         -Isečak iz Hipokratove zakletve (Hr.Wikipedija)

Od ponovnog osnivanja Lekarske komore Slovenije 1992. njena uloga je bila prilično neskladna sa javno proklamisanom misijom a u posebnom neskladu je prema delu Hipokratove zakletve koji se odnosi na lekarsko međusobno bratstvo. Njeni organi isticali su se u dve delatnosti a koje su u Socijalističkoj Jugoslaviji bile nepoznate u lekarskim krugovima: prva je uvođenje šovinizma kao jednog od radnih načela i drugo je negiranje Ženevske konvencije. A to znači, da Lekarska komora Slovenije biva u potpunosti podređena revizionističkoj politici koja je došla na vlast a samim tim postala je instrument kršenja ljudskih prava što se naročito lepo videlo kod izbrisanih lekara, gde je umesto da takve lekare štiti – što bi morala po prirodi svoje misije – ona je pomagalala političkom sankcionisanju „nepodobnih“. Umesto da obezbeđuje lekarsku autonomiju ona je bila organ politizacije lekarskog posla. Medicus medico lupus (Lekar lekaru vuk). Počnimo od Ženevske konvencije:
       Opšte je poznato da Ženevska konvencija, pored zaštite bolesnih i ranjenih, štiti integritet lekara u ratnim uslovima. Za lekara i njegovo osoblje nije važna boja uniforme. Lekar je u svakoj uniformi lekar. Odanost pacijentu jedina je politika koju lekar mora slediti u miru ili ratu. Ali u Sloveniji nije tako. Tokom tzv. „Operetnog rata“ koji je potomcima domobrana poslužio za izižvljavanje svojih antikomunističkih i antijugoslovenskih frustracija zbog poraza u Drugom svetskom ratu, vršeni su snažni pritisci na lekare zapošljene u vojnim zdravstvenim ustanovama da napuste svoje paciente. Mnogi lekari su to i uradili, plašeći se za sudbinu svojih porodica, a oni koji su ostali nepokolebani u svojoj lekarskoj misiji, bilo da su Slovenci ili pripadnici ostalih jugoslovenskih nacija, bili su strogo kažnjeni (kažnjeni zbog privrženosti medicinskoj struci i njenim zakonima!) a organ kažnjavanja bila je direktno Lekarska komora kojom je tada predsedovao dr. Marko Bitenc – danas veliki privatnik.

Dr. Dimitar Anakiev, bivši Upravnik garnizone ambulante u Tolminu i Dr. Stojadin Stojić, bivši načelnik hirurgije u Vojnoj bolnici u Ljubljani, imali bi šta da ispričaju o radu Lekarske komore Slovenije.

         Jedna od priča tipičnih za kaznenu politiku Lekarske komore Slovenije je ova koju sam čuo od hirurga koji je bio na rukovodećem položaju u Vojnoj bolnici u Ljubljani i koji je ostao privržen svom lekarskom pozivu tj. nije podlegao pritiscima politizacije: nakon proglašenja samostalnosti Republike Slovenije, zatražio je od Lekarske komore da mu izda licencu za rad. Uprkos tome da je formalno pravno njegova specijalizacije važila u novoj državi (kao i kod svih drugih), i uprkos svom hiruškom iskustvu od nekoliko decenija rada, i uprkos tome da je na visokoškolskim ustanovama predavao hirurgiju, bio je upućen od strane Lekarske komore Slovenije da ponovo polaže specijalistički ispit, verovatno kod svojih učenika. Naravno da na to nije mogao pristati. Nakon kazne Lekarske komore, usledila je i državna kazna: više od deceniju nije mogao da prima penziju. Kada je od lekarske komore zatražio zvaničan odgovor zašto mu ne izdaju licencu (tj. zašto lekarska komora krši zakon) bio je upućen na razgovor sa jednom od pravnica komore. Pravnica ga je primila i pokazala debelu fasciklu - kako on kaže „plave, gotovo tirkizne boje“. Upitala ga je „Znate li šta je ovo..? To je Vaš dosije; u njemu piše da ste osoba nepoželjna u Sloveniji“. Osobe kojima je medicina bila iznad politike, bile su proglašene neprijateljima režima. Takvih i sličnih priča čuo sam mnogo, u neposrednoj komunikaciji sa kolegama, a doživeo sam i sam, na svojoj koži, protivzakoniti kazneni tretman famozne Lekarske komore Slovenije. Nakon što sam četiri godine bio Upravnik garnizonske ambulante u Tolminu, Lekarska komora Slovenije je zahtevala od mene da u novoj državi moram dve godine da sekundiram (znači dve godine da pomažem nekom doktoru i radim pod njegovim mentorstvom) da bi mi izdali licencu...?! Apsurd, sa ciljem uniziti kolegu. Naravno, kršenja Ženevske konvencije tokom „operetnog rata“ u Sloveniji bila su mnogo šira od kažnjavanja doktora koji vole medicinu više od vlasti i novca;  ovde navodim samo par slučajeva kod kojih sam sam bio akter i svedok:
        Vodnik, medicinski tehničar (albanske nacionalnosti), nenaoružan, u belom mantilu, uhapšen od strane TO dok je prevozio bolesnika vozilom vojne hitne pomoći u bolnicu. Zatim je tri dana bio zatvoren u nekom rovu punom vode (verovatno rudnika Hrastnik, ako se dobro sećam) nakon čega beži za Austriju... Tokom desetodnevnog („operetnog“) rata bio sam zamoljen iz kasarine u Tolminu da posredujem u prevoženju bolesnog vojnika za kojeg je vojni lekar sumnjao da ima napad upale slepog creva: grčio se je od bolova u stomaku, povraćao i imao visoku temperaturu i proliv. Ulaz u kasarinu bio je blokiran tako da sanitetsko vozilo nije moglo da izađe a iz obližnje krčme policija je snajperima pokrivala put. Zato je lekar iz kasarine molio da vozilo hitne pomoći iz lokalnog zdravstvenog doma dođe do ulaza u kasarinu i da tu, pred ulazom, pokraj blokade, primi bolesnika. Pozvao sam Zdravstveni dom, dali su mi lekara koga sam dobro poznavao – tada je bio šef nekakvog operativnog centra a danas takođe težak privatnik – i objasnio mu situaciju. Odgovorio je kratko: „Ne može; neka ga bolničari stave na nosila i donesu do zdravstvenog doma“. Kasarina je bila u dolini pored reke Soče, a Zdravstveni dom gore na brdu, pa još u zaleđu. Upozorio sam ga da je to nekoliko kilometara teške uzbrdice a on je spustio slušalicu...
        Hostilnost pojedinih kolega u Sloveniji, a pre svega Lekarske komore Slovenije, nije lako objasniti. Međutim, ako neko misli, da ovde govorim o deformacijama koje donosi ratno stanje, grdno se prevario. Situacija je „zacementirana“ i potpuno aktualna do današnjih dana... Na međunarodnom simpoziju urgentne medicine koji se svake godine održava u Portorožu predstavio sam prošle (2016) godine svoj stručni rad „Zbrinjavanje u opasnoj zoni pod neposrednom pretnjom“. Ceo simpozijum je pod utiskom terorističkih napada u Madridu, Parizu, Briselu i Londonu bio posvećen radu hitne medicinske pomoći u ratnim uslovima. Par meseci ranije bila je na stadionu Stožice u Ljubljani organizovana velika vežba zbrinjavanja ranjenika- vežba, kakve smo poznavali i u vreme Jugoslavije pod nazivom „ništa nas ne sme iznenaditi“. Na simpozijumu sam predstavio dve svoje lekarske intervencije u ratnim uslovima koje su mi se kao vojnom lekaru JNA desile u Hrvatskoj. U trenutku predavanja rada, radio sam za Belgijski Médecins du Monde (Lekari sveta), pa sam istu organizaciju zapisao uz svoje ime na predloženom radu i to je bio razlog, verovatno, da su rad primili. Poslao sam odličan, redak i dramatičan stručni prilog na vrlo aktuelnu temu i više bih voleo da je rad primljen zbog svoje sadržine, ali pokazalo se da nije. Na dan kada je trebalo da predstavim svoj rad opazio sam, na svoje veliko iznenađenje, da je baš na mojoj sesiji radni predsednik bivši Janšin zdravstveni ministar dr. Andrej Bručan. Kada sam pristupio govornici, on je prvo sebi dao reč i izašao pred mene ne da bi me pogledao. Dok sam mu gledao leđa obratio se publikumu od približno 300 prisutnih lekara i zdravstvenih radnika. Rekao je ovo (parafraziram po sećanju) : „Imamo puno naših lekara na različitim vojnim misijama - ne znam zašto oni ne pišu radove...? Sad ćemo umesto njihovih radova da slušamo rad iz JNA...“ Ovaj nečuveni i medicini potpuno tuđ primitivizam – deljenja lekara na „naše“ i „njihove“ - dogodio mi se još nekoliko puta na najvišim i najoficijalnijim mestima. Jednom čak u amfiteatru Medicinskog fakulteta u Ljubljani prilikom polaganja ispita za ALS licencu (reanimacija). Svi kandidati morali su da se predstave pa ja u svojoj biografiji rekoh da sam bio izbrisan. Pošto mlađi kolege ne znaju šta je to, počeli su da se unezvereno gledaju i da se gurkaju i zato je vođa sesije, ugledni anesteziolog, sudeći po imenu i prezimenu „naše gore list“, namestivši svoju crvenu leptir kravatu, nakašljao se i prokomentarisao tako da čuje ceo amfiteatar „Izbrisani, to su vam oni koji 1991. nisu prestupili na našu stranu“. Bez obzira što je među 25.000 izbrisanih bilo samo oko 500 oficira JNA a više od 6.000 dece, ovo prostodušno objašnjanje „naši-vaši“ cenjenog kolege je jedno od boljih koje sam čuo. Kasnije odbijanje moje specijalizacije u Sloveniji (nakon ne priznavanja specijalizacije sa VMA) učinjeno je takođe na bazi „naši-vaši“ iako sam formalno pravno ispunjavao sve zvanične uslove. Međutim, nisam bio „njihov“. Cenjeni „nacionalni koordinator“ - pre toga poznato lice iz crne hronike, jer mu je umro pacient pa su ga razvlačili po svim medijima – hladnokrvno je zapisao da ne mogu da dobijem specijalizaciju zato što sam radio u JNA. A pošto u javnom raspisu specijalizacije takve klauzule nema, to jednostavno znači: „Nisi naš, zato ne može“. Drugim rečima, kada su u pitanju „homo sacer-i“, žrtva šovinizma, Lekarsku komoru zakon ne obavezuje. Domobranski pitomci vole da se junače na nemoćnima i deprivilegovanima, uživaju kad žrtva ne može da se brani, onda pokazuju svoju snagu. Pravi beli vitezovi, možda bi se dopali Arkanu.
         Međutim, ako u vreme predsedničkog mandata Marka Bitanca možemo da posumljamo da su šovinističke izjave (poput onih datih za medije u vezi prof. Radovanovića iz Sremske Kamenice, tipa „Nećemo valjda da dopustimo da nas operišu oni koji su do juče bili naši okupatori“) i šovinistička praksa rezultat uništavanja konkurencije za svoj privatni biznis i istovremeno pridobijanje političkih bodova za dobijanje koncesija itd. znači deo prakse koja nije etična i nije prihvatljiva u smislu medicinske etike i deontologije, ali je zakon biznisa prihvata kao legitimnu, istovremeno moramo upozoriti da je praksa šovinizma imanentna Lekarskoj komori Slovenije još od samih početaka. Prisetiti se treba slučaja prve slovenačke doktorice Elonore Jenko (1879-1959).
        U Austro-Ugarskoj ženama nije bilo dozvoljeno da studiraju medicinu (niti su mogle da upisuju gimnaziju). Zato je dr. Jenko via ruska škola na Cetinju pa zatim Petrovgrad, završila medicinu u naprednijoj Rusiji. Vrativši se iz Rusije kao lekar, doživela je da joj parlament u Beču ipak prizna diplomu (posle mnogo zapleta) i omogući lekarsku praksu koju je ona obavljavala celu deceniju, počevči od 1912, u svojoj ordinaciji u Opatiji. Međutim, ako su joj austrijski parlamentarci priznali licencu za rad, slovenački kolege nisu. Lekarska komora Slovenije, u novoj državi SHS, zahteva da joj se licenca oduzme dok ne položi dodatne ispite (1), (2). Vidimo dakle, u periodu celog stoleća, u različitim istorijskim razdobljima, stalnu tendenciju politizacije lekarskog dela od strane Lekarske komore Slovenije i stalnu politiku šovinističkog omalovažavanju (žena, Jugoslovena, „nepodobnih“...) čiju glad utoljuju administrativnim apetitom za novim i stalnim dokazivanjima ispravnosti i podobnosti, novim ispitima, često potpuno apsurdnim. Kolege koji podpadnu u njihov osvetnički mlin postaju životno ugroženi - to je politika koja ne ubija direktno ali indirektno negira pravo „nepodobnih“ lekara na rad i postojanje. Neki kolege su bili gurnuti u duševnu bolest, neki u samoubistvo, neki opet - elitni stručnjaci - umesto da bi se bavili medicinom gaje pčele i oru njive, dok su drugi, sa manje obaveza, jednostavno pobegli, a to je i cilj takve politike.
         Uz ovaj šovinistički kontinuitet Slovenačke lekarske zbornice, uz tendenciju da se bude iznad zakona (a možda i iznad istorije), uz tendenciju da se zakon otvoreno krši, treba spomenuti da nakon drugog svetskog rata poražena peta kolona, saradnici Hitlera i drugih okupatora, svoju decu ne žele da upisuje na „marksističke fakultete“ već skoro isključivo na „konzervativnu“ medicinu. Medicina je u Sloveniji bila investicija Hitlerove pete kolone, zato je danas uhvaćena u smrtonosni zagrljaj revanšističkih fantazama. Izgleda kao da u Lekarskoj komori Slovenije sede bolesnici a ne lekari, bolesnici, koji sebe, kao u nekom filmu, ili u nekom bunilu, nazivaju lekarima. Najsmešnije i najapsurdnije je da ovim se ovim „kolegama“ mora plaćati članarina, da bi im omogućili da protiv Vas deluju. I po tome se vidi koliko so to ljudi ogrezli u zločin, koliko nemaju skrupula i gde se, na kojoj tački, nalazi njihov moral. Oni državu za čije zdravlje stanovništva navodno brinu doživljavaju kao svoju privatnu svojinu. Na sreću, u slovenačkoj medicini, među politički ne ispostavljenim doktorima, ima mnogo pravih kolega i divnih ljudi. I na sreću, medicina sama je mnogo veća nego što to jeste Lekarska komora Slovenije.

(1)Podatak iz knjige „Pozabljena polovica“, Portreti žena 19. i 20. stoleća u slovenačkim krajevima. Autorice Alenka Šelih, Milica Antić Gaber, Alenka Puhar, Tanja Rener, Rapa Šuklje i Marta Virginella, Ljubljana 2007/2012.
(2) U svojem tekstu „Prva slovenačka lekarka dr. Elonora Jenko Groyer (1879-1959)“ u Lekarskom vestniku br.9/2016 autori Janez i Duša Fischinger ne navode eksplicitno ko zahteva nove ispite za dr. Jenko, taj deo preskaču, ostavljaju zamagljen, a novode samo da je naloge za ispite dobila iz državne uprave iz Beograda.

Saturday, October 28, 2017


Dimitar Anakiev

A) -17 years of living without documents, as a Erased person (from 1992 to 2009)
B) -The three feature films of mine are forbidden for official distribution, it's about movies:
-The Last of the Žilniks, (2007, 61 min), thematizes Chetnik collaboration with fascism in Serbia
-Slovenia My Homeland, (2012, 51 min) thematizes the erasing of the Yugoslavs from the official books of Slovenia
-Normal life, (2012, 86 min), thematizes intergenerational selfishness
C) Two medical specialties have been canceled:
- from Public Health, which I specialized at the VMA in Belgrade (the Public Health Institute of Slovenia did not allow verification because of "very different programs")
-specialization from the EMS was rejected by the Medical Chamber of Slovenia although I met all the formal requirements with the explanation that I worked for the JNA /Yugoslav Federal Army)/, ("condition" not announced in the tender).

If Želimir Žilnik's claim that one full-length film, according to the energy and material expenses, is the order of the size of a house built, that means that the Slovenian democrats in the film industry deprived me of three houses, and the Slovenian democrats at the Doctor's Chamber have deprived me of at least two more houses (specialization is at least for the house). A total of 5 houses, with the remark that they obviously illegally prevent me from working in Slovenia, just as they illegally erased me before (de facto, they deprive me of the right to live). If to these I add two more houses in Serbia (inheritance of my family) that collapsed during my life without documents, the rough balance of damages that were deliberately and illegally imposed to me by the democrats in Slovenia, is exactly 7 houses. These "small" damages such as salaries, and various costs do not count.
I do not know who got my seven houses? Are they with Trump, Obama or Merkel, or in the pockets of a local democrat? Basically, my case is a typical example of how democrats abuse state power against an individual or the masses. Long living to democracy!

Thursday, September 21, 2017



It is in the finale of a great imperialist match that Venezuela and North Korea have found themselves. These are two states that are still resisting, at a high price, the world capitalist order. Even the driving force, soul and head of the capitalist imperialism today – the United States – have also found themselves under attack by their own policy of global imperialism: the state is devastated for a great number of jobs that are, in the master's greed for infinite profit, transferred to the cheap labor force markets. That is why many companies in America are closed down, including even the whole industrial branches (coal mines, for instance). Capitalism, in its gluttony, eats its own body besides gulping down the small and the powerless. The Republican Party has won the election under the slogan „America First“ which means it would withdraw from its imperialist adventures and take up the renewal of its ruined nation. That is why the conservatives' program was greeted by many notable communists all over the world. Still, all this is, as proverbially said, making a bill without the bartender. As early as 1961 American President Eisenhower warned that the state was led by the “military-industrial complex (MIC)”. However, the guys from the MIC, those that the Democratic Party has quite a fair understanding with, have nothing to do in America. They need new markets and new wars. Here one should remember Chomsky’s words about the MIC being not “specifically military”; it is simply the very heart of American industry. As well as the heart of capitalism, we’d like to add. This refers to the companies such as Boeing and Hewlett-Packard. After having recently devastated the Balkans, North Africa, Near East and Afghanistan and after having overmastered Eastern Europe, they turned to the finalists, Venezuela and North Korea.
Introducing capitalist order in Venezuela and North Korea is not only a matter of prestige. Venezuela is one of the biggest world producers of oil as well as the state possessing the greatest reserves of oil in the world. After the collapse of the USSR in the nineties, exactly when imperialism and its collaborators began their bloody predatory campaign east, in Venezuela appeared Hugo Chavez who was to take it out from the American backyard towards socialism. Today this is a possessed country of marauding gangs of mercenaries that Tramp has recently imposed new sanctions on. The state faces the shortage of food and drugs; the price of oil it exports is record low. The propaganda war against Venezuela is led most intensively from Australia; yet all the states subordinated to the USA have to spit on it. North Korea, in order to defend itself from the predators, had to produce an atom bomb. Maybe it is the very bomb that would destroy the empire and half of mankind with it.
On the other hand, the organized workers have been, all over the world and after the collapse of the USSR, decimated. The major part of its leadership has crossed over to the capitalist side, to opportunists, while some groups of Marxists have remained without base which means they have been pushed astray to the extreme Left (Left that needs no class). It often happens that class actions are replaced by Internet ones (“Web Marxism”) and involvement in social networks – especially popular is Facebook thanks to its enabling painless ranting of revolutionary fantasies: everyone can put a couple of red flags on his FB page and thus proclaim himself a revolutionary. The more flags and five-pointed stars, the greater revolutionary. Another phenomenon to observe is the making of obscure political marriages with politically suspicious elements (recently, in America, Antifa’s activists, certain people from the Serbian Left and Lukashenko’s pawns as well as magazines such as Jacobin, financed by the Democratic Party of the USA). All of them are manifestations of the lack of base. The editorial board of the Novi Borac (New Militant) is of the opinion that the revolutionary work is possible only from the clear class position and that the union is the basic cell of organized workers without which we cannot talk about representativeness. Even when the unions are few in number, they, in their companies, in their production activities and thus in the state, have a great power. In the eighties in Britain 180,000 miners led a struggle against the state for two full years. Today we see the power of 1,500 cabin crew of the British Airways that they have accrued during – for them quite a long – 85-day strike. The first task of every revolutionary Marxist is to set up contact with the class and join it, to become its part (even if it means employment at a lower level than one’s qualifications). Since it is only within the class that one can practice Marxism. This is the essence of “entryism” that Trotsky, in other circumstances, spoke about. This is the very essence of revolutionary activity.
(Editorial Board)